慈祥和藹的外婆作文

　　AMBASSADORISCHINGER:Thanks very much. I think now we can continue. It’s my greatpleasure now toopen our second panel this morning. We have two longtime friends of theMunichSecurity Conference. Both of our panelists have been with the MunichSecurityConference when they served in the U.S. Senate for many years. So let mewelcomeboth Secretary John Kerry and Secretary Chuck Hagel, both now no longerin the Senate butboth now for a year, for practically a year, Secretary ofState and Secretary of Defense.Welcome, Mr. Secretaries. (Applause.)

　　I think the way we want to usethese 45 minutes or so is that both Secretaries will offerintroductorycomments; and if you have a question to ask, please put it on one of the slipsofpaper and hand it to the staff, and then we’ll use whatever time we have tohave a discussion, aQ&A session, in just a few minutes.

　　John, would you like to start?Thank you.

　　SECRETARYKERRY:Well, thank you very much, Ambassador Ischinger. I’m very gratefulfor theopportunity to be here. (In German.) Nice to be with everybody. And I am – Iwant toremark that Ambassador Ischinger had the pleasure of going to therenowned Fletcher School atTufts University, but it sounds to me like he losthis Boston accent. I don’t know what happenedto him along the way. (Laughter.)

　　This is a very real and specialpleasure for Chuck and me to be here at this conference. Wedo know thisconference well. And as Walter said, we are not just friends from the Senatebutwe’re friends from a common experience of a long period of time. So it’s apleasure for us now tobe working together as partners with respect to thenational security issues that challenge allof us.

　　So the fact is also that bothChuck and I feel this Atlantic relationship very much in ourbones. Both of ourfamilies emigrated to the United States from Europe, and both of ourfatherssigned up to fight tyranny and totalitarianism in World War II. And we bothwatchedthe Berlin Wall go up as we grew up, and we grew up as Cold War kids.

　　So we come to these discussions –both of us – with part of our formative years planted inthe post-ColdWar/post-World War period, and certainly deeply in the Cold War period. As akidwho grew up in school doing drills to get under my desk in the event ofnuclear war, this issomething that still conditions my thinking.

　　It was during that period of timethat I first encountered what I came to understand as oneof the unmistakablesymbols of the enduring American-European partnership. I was a youngkid whoserved – who was with my father in Berlin when he served as the legal advisorto thethen High Commissioner to Germany, James Conant. And I spent a piece ofmy childhoodgetting on trains in Frankfurt and going through the dead of nightto arrive in Berlin and begreeted by the American military man, and movebetween a British sector, a French sector, anAmerican sector, and a Russiansector. So I can remember cold signs warning you about whereyou were leaving,and I can remember guns rapping on the windows of my train when I dared toliftthe blinds and try to look out and see what was on the other side.

　　I’ll also never forget walkinginto a building – I used to ride my bicycle down toKurfurstendamm when it wasstill rubble. We’re talking about the early 1950s, just to datemyself. And youcould see a plaque on a building that said: “This was rebuilt with help fromtheMarshall Plan.” But the truth is today, as we gather in Munich in 2014,George Marshall’scourageous vision – resisting the calls of isolationism andinvesting in this partnership –requires all of us to think about more than justbuildings. That period of time saw the MarshallPlan lead America’s support forthe rebuilding of a continent. But it was more than just therebuilding of acontinent; it was the rebuilding of an idea, it was the rebuilding of a visionthatwas built on a set of principles, and it built alliances that were justunthinkable only a few yearsbefore that.

　　And I say all of this to try toput this meeting and the challenges that we face in a context.So long as I canremember, I have understood that the United States and Europe arestrongestwhen we stand united together for peace and prosperity, when we stand instrongdefense of our common security, and when we stand up for freedom and forcommonvalues. And everything I see in the world today tells me that this is a momentwhere it’sgoing to take more than words to fulfill this commitment. All of usneed to think harder and actmore in order to meet this challenge.

　　With no disrespect whatsoever –in fact, only with the purest of admiration to thestrategic and extraordinaryvision of Brent Scowcroft sitting over here, Henry Kissinger, ZbigBrzezinski,who I don’t see but I know is here somewhere. There he is. These are menwhohelped to shape and guide us through the Cold War and the tense moments and therealdangers that it presented. But the fact is that this generation ofconfluence of challenges thatwe’re confronting together are in many ways morecomplex and more vexing than those of thelast century. The largely bipolarworld of the Cold War, East-West, was relativelystraightforward compared tothe forces that have been released with the fall of the Berlin Wall,the riseof sectarianism, the rise of religious extremism, and the failure of governancein manyplaces. In fact, we should none of us be surprised that it is thewisdom and vision of HenryKissinger in his brilliant book Diplomacy – which,if you’ve read it, reread it; if you haven’t,read it for the first time – laysall of this out in his first chapter as he talks about the balance –the oldgame of balance of power and interests. And as he predicts that this is moreconvolutedbecause of the absence of a structure to really manage and cope withthis new order that weface. Those were his words.

　　So today we are witnessing youthpopulations, huge youth populations: 65 percent of acountry under the age of30, under the age of 25 in some places; 50 percent under the age of21; 40percent under the age of 18 – unemployed, disenfranchised, except forwhatglobalization has brought them in their capacity to be able to reach out andsee what therest of the world is doing even as they are denied the opportunityto do it too – an enormous,desperate yearning for education, for jobs, foropportunity. That’s what drove Tahrir Square,not the Muslim Brotherhood, notany religious extremism, but young kids with dreams. That’swhat led that fruitvendor in Tunisia to self-immolate after he grew too tired of beingslappedaround by a police officer, denied his opportunity just to sell his fruit wareswhere hewanted to.

　　We are facing threats ofterrorism and untamed growth in radical sectarianism andreligious extremism,which increases the challenge of failed and failing governments and thevacuumsthat they leave behind. And all of this is agitated by a voracious globalizedappetiteand competition for resources and markets that do not alwayssufficiently share the benefits ofwealth and improved quality of life with allcitizens.

　　And this is all before you get tothe challenge of global food security, water availability,and global climatechange. These are the great tests of our time. Now, even as our economiesinthe United States and Europe begin to emerge from the economic trials of thelast years, weare not immune to extremism or to the natural difficulties ofnurturing democracy, andparticularly as we measure what is happening with thenumber of jihadists who are attracted bythe magnet of the Assad regime toSyria, where from Europe and from America and fromAustralia and from GreatBritain and from many other places they now flock to learn the tradeof terror,and then perhaps to return to their home shores.

　　The task of building a Europethat is whole and free and at peace is not complete. And inorder to meettoday’s challenges both near and far, America needs a strong Europe, andEuropeneeds a committed and engaged America. And that means turning inward is notanoption for any of us. When we lead together, others will join us. But when wedon’t, thesimple fact is that few are prepared or willing to step up. That’sjust a fact. And leading, I sayrespectfully, does not mean meeting in Munichfor good discussions. It means committingresources even in a difficult time tomake certain that we are helping countries to fight backagainst the complex,vexing challenges of our day.

　　I’ll tell you, I was recently inKorea and reminded that 10 of the 15 countries that used toreceive aid fromthe United States of America as recently as in the last 10 years are todaydonorcountries. Think about that: 10 of the 15 and the others are on their wayto being donorcountries. Now let me be fair. We need to have this debate inAmerica too right now. The smallfraction of our budget that we invest in ourdiplomacy and in foreign assistance is a minisculeinvestment compared to thecost of the crises that we fail to avoid.

　　So as a transatlantic community,we cannot retreat and we must do more than justrecover – all of us. What weneed in 2014 is a transatlantic renaissance, a new burst of energyand commitmentand investment in the three roots of our strength: our economic prosperity,ourshared security, and the common values that sustain us.

　　Now first, our shared prosperity:Who would have imagined at the first Munich conferencein 1963 that $2.6billion in goods and services would flow between us every day? Thatdidn’thappen by accident, nor did the 4 trillion that we invest in each other’seconomies everysingle year, or the more than 13 million jobs that we supportmutually because of it. The depthand breadth of our economic position andpartnership was a conscious choice of the men Idescribed and other men andwomen during that period of time who had a vision, and they needto be aconscious reflection of our vision today.

　　Today, as our economies recover,we also have to do more to put this indispensablepartnership to work, a sharedprosperity that benefits us all. And we can start, frankly, byharnessing theenergy and the talents of our people, which is what the Transatlantic TradeandInvestment Partnership is all about. T-TIP is about more than growing oureconomies. It willpromote trade, investment, innovation. It will bring oureconomies closer together whilemaintaining high standards in order to ensurethat we create good jobs for these young peoplewho are screaming about thefuture. And it will cement our way of doing business as the world’sgoldstandard. Imagine what happens when you take the world’s largest market and theworld’slargest single economy and you marry them together with the principlesand the values thatcome with it. It will – if we’re ambitious enough, T-TIPwill do for our shared prosperity whatNATO has done for our shared security,recognizing that our security has always been built onthe notion of our sharedprosperity.

　　We are the most innovativeeconomies in the world, the United States and Europe, and assuch we have amajor responsibility to deal with this growing potential catastrophe ofclimatechange. I urge you, read the latest IPCC report. It’s really chilling. Andwhat’s chilling isnot rhetoric; it’s the scientific facts, scientific facts.And our history is filled with strugglesthrough the Age of Reason and theRenaissance and the Enlightenment for all of us to earnsome respect forscience. The fact is that there is no doubt about the real day-to-day impactofthe human contribution to the change in climate.

　　Next year, the United States willassume responsibility for the Arctic Council, and I can tellyou just lookingat what’s happening in the Arctic – and there are others here who aredeeplyinvested in that – we have enormous challenges. None of them are unsolvable.That’sthe agony of this moment for all of us. There are answers to all ofthese things, but there seemsto be an absence of will, an absence ofcollective leadership that’s ready to come together andtell our people notwhat they’re necessarily telling us through this crazy social media,incredibleconfluence of information that they’re sort of told they’re interested in, butfor us asleaders to suggest to them this is what you ought to be interested inbecause it actually affectsyour life and your livelihood and your future.

　　President Obama is implementingan ambitious plan that sees climate change not only as achallenge, but as anincredible set of opportunities for all of us, and I believe that.Themarketplace that created the great wealth in our country in the 1990s which saweverysingle quintile of our income earners see their income go up, everyquintile saw their income goup, and we created the greatest wealth the worldhas seen during the 1990s, greater even inAmerica than the period of thePierponts and the Morgans and the Rockefellers, Carnegies,Mellons, muchgreater. You know what it was? It was a $1 trillion market with 1 billionusers. Itwas the high-tech market, the personal computer mostly,communications.

　　The energy market that we arestaring at – that is the solution to the climate change.Energy policy is thesolution to climate change. That market, my friends, is a $6 trillionmarkettoday with 4 to 5 billion users today, and it will grow to some 9 billion usersover thecourse of the next 20 to 30 years. It is the mother of all markets,and only a few visionaries aredoing what is necessary to reach out and touch itand grab it and command its future.

　　I spoke last week at Davos aboutthe diplomatic work that the United States is engagedin, that I am engaged in,at the direction of President Obama, who believes in this vision and inall ofthese issues, and our European partners are jointly with us undertaking onthree of themost important initiatives right now to make the Middle East andthe world more secure.

　　With the help of countries likeGermany, the U.K., Italy, Denmark, Norway, Russia, wereached an agreement,ratified by the United Nations, to remove chemical weapons fromSyria.Obviously, I’m sure there’ll be some questions about that, and there ought tobe, buttogether, we need to all keep the pressure on the Assad regime to stopmaking excuses andfulfill Syria’s promises and obligations and meet the UNdeadlines.

　　With the help of the EU, Germany,U.K., France, and Russia – as well as China – Iran agreedto freeze and rollback its nuclear weapons program for the first time in a decade. And inthecoming months, we will remain unified – or I hope we will – to guarantee Iran’swillingnessto reach a comprehensive agreement that resolves the world’sconcerns about its nuclearprogram, hopefully through diplomacy backed up bythe potential of force.

　　With the help of the EU and theQuartet, we are pursuing a long-sought and much-neededpeace between Israelisand Palestinians. I have to tell you, the alternatives tosuccessfullyconcluding the conflict, when you stop and list them, are or ought to beunacceptableto anybody. If you look at it hard, you ought to come out and say failure isnot anoption, though regrettably the dynamics always present the possibility.

　　And so together we need to helpthe parties break through the skepticism, which is half thechallenge, andbegin to believe in the possibilities that are within their grasp. AsPresidentObama said on Tuesday, “In a world of complex threats, our security andleadershipdepend on all the elements of our power – including strong andprincipled diplomacy.” And itdepends on harnessing the power of our strongestalliances, too. No one country can possiblyhope to solve any of the challengesthat I have listed on its own.

　　That’s why this kind of meetingand the alliance that it represents, more importantly, andthe work that we doout of here after these meetings – that’s why it’s so important that theUnitedStates and Europe stick together, that we continue to understand the importanceof thestrength of our unity and unity in action, whether we’re working onAfghanistan, the CentralAfrican Republic, the challenge of the Maghreb, theLevant, the DPRK, global challenges likecyber security, infectious disease, orthe pursuit of a world without nuclear weapons. Plain andsimply, our sharedprosperity and security are absolutely indivisible. And in a shrinkingworldwhere our fundamental interests are inseparable, a transatlantic renaissancerequires thatwe defend our democratic values and freedoms. Don’t for aninstant underestimate howimportant that it is or that the difference that itmakes to courageous people like those in theUkraine, in Ukraine who arestanding up today for their ability to have a choice about theirfuture.

　　As I say all of this, the UnitedStates is the first to admit that our democracy too hasalways been a work inprogress. We know that. We’re proud that we work at it openly,transparently,accountably to reform it, to fix it, and to strengthen it when needed.PresidentObama’s review and revision of our signals intelligence practices isa case in point. So Iassure you we come to this conversation with humility.But humility is not a reason toavoid calling it the way you see it. And thefact is that we see a disturbing trend in too manyparts of Central and EasternEurope and the Balkans. The aspirations of citizens are once againbeingtrampled beneath corrupt, oligarchic interests, interests that use money tostifle politicalopposition and dissent, to buy politicians and media outlets,and to weaken judicialindependence and the rights of nongovernmentalorganizations.

　　Nowhere is the fight for ademocratic European future more important today than in Ukraine.While thereare unsavory elements in the streets in any chaotic situation, the vastmajority ofUkrainians want to live freely in a safe and a prosperous country,and they are fighting for theright to associate with partners who will helpthem realize their aspirations. And they havedecided that that means theirfutures do not have to lie with one country alone, and certainlynot coerced.The United States and EU stand with the people of Ukraine in that fight. Russiaandother countries should not view the European integration of their neighborsas a zero-sumgame. In fact, the lessons of the last half century are that wecan accomplish much more whenthe United States, Russia, and Europe worktogether. But make no mistake, we will continue tospeak out when our valuesand our interests are undercut by any country in the region.President Obamaleaves no doubt about America’s commitment to this relationship, and hewillcome to Europe three times already scheduled this year to reinforce theinvestment in ourshared future.

　　For more than 70 years – thisyear we will celebrate the 70th anniversary of D-Day – theUnited States andEurope have fought side by side for freedom, and that is what binds us.Thoseties have grown stronger in the 25 years since the fall of the Berlin Wall, inthe 15 yearssince our post-Cold War NATO enlargements began, in the 10 yearssince the EU beganexpanding again. It is important to understand this is morethan just a measure of years; itis a measure of the most productivepartnership in the history of international affairs, nothingless.

　　Our challenge today is to ensureopportunity, security, and liberty for Americans andEuropeans, but also forpeople all over the world who look to us for that possibility. Ourchallenge isto renew this partnership and to live up to the legacy of the world’sstrongestalliance. The 21st century will demand these commitments from all of us, and Ibelievewe have to rise to this occasion as Americans and Europeans alwayshave, and that’s the onlything that will give meaning to this kind of ameeting and meaning to the legacy that we needto honor in our generation.Thank you. (Applause.)

　　My pleasure to introduce to youmy friend from the Senate. We are both in different parties,but believe me, weshare a vision and we are really enjoying working together these days.ChuckHagel, the Secretary of Defense. (Applause.)

　　SECRETARYHAGEL:John, thank you. Thank you very much, and to Ambassador Ischinger,thank youfor once again hosting this conference, an important conference. It’s good tobeback in Munich. As you noted, I have been here many times, and I especiallyappreciate beinghere with my friend and former colleague and now cabinetpartner John Kerry.

　　I want to also recognize ourUnited States congressional delegation, which I have been partof a number oftimes, led by an unfamiliar face here, John McCain. John, I see you. Thankyou.Sheldon Whitehouse, Senator, thank you for your leadership. And many of thedelegationare individuals who have led on this issue for many years, and youare all quite familiar withmost of the U.S. congressional delegation. So thankyou for your continued leadership andinvolvement.

　　I also want to recognize ourAmerican Ambassador to Germany John Emerson, who is heresomewhere, for hiswork and his efforts. And it is not easy, as we all know, for an ambassadorinany country at any time, but Ambassador Emerson has done a tremendous job andwe verymuch appreciate his good work and his leadership as well. (Applause.)

　　In preparing for these remarks, Iwas looking through the memoirs of Henry Stimson, whoover a long and distinguishedcareer held both my job – actually, he held my job when it wasSecretary ofWar, and he held it twice. He also held John Kerry’s job, Secretary of State.Thebook I thumbed through contained a handwritten letter from McGeorge Bundy.Many of youknow – knew McGeorge Bundy, worked with McGeorge Bundy, andcertainly, everyone knowswho he was. He helped in this particular case HenryStimson write his memoirs, and that bookwas published in 1952.

　　In Bundy’s letter to an admirer,Bundy described Stimson’s recollections of life as a pictureof history worthgoing on with, whatever the ups and downs. I recall these words here inMunichthis morning because this conference is itself a picture of history, thehistory of thetransatlantic partnership. And that history is very much worthgoing on with. That’s why we’recelebrating this gathering’s 50th anniversary.

　　The transatlantic partnership hasbeen successful because of the judicious use ofdiplomacy and defense. Over thelast year, John and I have both worked to restore balance,balance to therelationship between American defense and diplomacy. With the UnitedStatesmoving off a 13-year war footing, it’s clear to us, it’s very clear toPresident Obama thatour future requires a renewed and enhanced era ofpartnership with our friends and allies,especially here in Europe.

　　As this panel acknowledges, weneed what John just described and as Ambassador Ischingerhas noted, atransatlantic renaissance. The foundation of our collective securityrelationshipwith Europe has always been cooperation against common threats.Throughout most of the20th century, these common threats were concentrated inand around Europe, but today themost persistent and pressing securitychallenges to Europe and the United States are global.They emanate frompolitical instability and violent extremism in the Middle East andNorthAfrica, dangerous non-state actors, rogue nations such as North Korea, cyberwarfare,demographic changes, economic disparity, poverty, and hunger.

　　And as we confront these threats,nations such as China and Russia are rapidly modernizingtheir militaries andglobal defense industries, challenging our technological edge indefensepartnerships around the world. The world will continue to grow morecomplicated,interconnected, and in many cases more combustible. The challenges andchoicesbefore us will demand leadership that reaches into the future without stumblingover thepresent. Meeting this challenge of change will not be easy, but wemust do so and we must doso together. As our strategy in defense investmentswill make clear, the U.S. sees Europe asits indispensable partner inaddressing these threats and challenges, as well as addressingnewopportunities.

　　The centerpiece of ourtransatlantic defense partnership will continue to be NATO, themilitaryalliance that has been called the greatest peace movement in history. InAfghanistan,NATO-led forces are doing extraordinary work to help the Afghanpeople by strengthening theAfghan army and police so that they can assumeresponsibility for their nation’s security.European nations have maintainedremarkable cohesion and commitment in the face ofsacrifice, uncertainty, andchallenges in Afghanistan.

　　As we bring our combat mission toa conclusion after 13 years, we should all be veryproud of what our alliancehas accomplished. Members of the International Security AssistanceForce,especially smaller nations, have greatly benefited from the experience oftraining andworking alongside other partners in Afghanistan. We must continueto hone the capabilitieswe’ve fielded and sustain these deep and effectivedefense relationships. And NATO mustcontinue to develop innovative ways tomaintain alliance readiness as we apply our hard-earnedskills to new securitychallenges.

　　In reviewing U.S. defensepriorities tempered by our fiscal realities, it’s clear that ourmilitary mustplace an even greater strategic emphasis on working with our allies andpartnersaround the world. That will be a key theme of the Department ofDefense’s upcomingQuadrennial Defense Review which will articulate our defensestrategy in a changing securityand fiscal environment.

　　The United States will engageEuropean allies to collaborate more closely, especially inhelping build thecapabilities of other global partners. We’re developing strategies toaddressglobal threats as we build more joint capacity – joint capacity withEuropeanmilitaries. In the face of budget constraints here on this continent as well asin theUnited States, we must all invest more strategically to protect militarycapability and readiness.

　　The question is not just how muchwe spend, but how we spend together. It’s not justburdens we share, butopportunities as well. The Department of Defense will work closely withourallies’ different and individual strengths and capabilities, from the trainingof indigenousforces to more advanced combat missions. We’re looking atpromising new initiatives,including Germany’s framework nations concept, whichcould help NATO plan and invest moreefficiently and more effectively.

　　In Africa, the U.S. military andour European allies are already partners in combatingviolent extremism andworking alongside our diplomats to avert humanitarian catastrophes. InMali, inthe Central African Republic, the U.S. and European partners are providingspecializedenablers such as air transport and refueling. We’re there tosupport a leading operational rolefor French forces. The U.S. has supportedFrance’s leadership and efforts. And we also welcomethe German DefenseMinister von der Leyen’s recent proposal to increase Germanparticipation inboth countries.

　　All of us must work closelytogether with African nations in helping them build theirsecurity forces andinstitutions. A more collaborative approach to global securitychallenges willrequire more defense establishments to cooperate not just on theoperationallevel, but on the strategic level as well. We are working with two allies – theU.S.,UK, and Australia, building the three of us closer collaboration betweenour militaries across abroad range of areas from force development to forceposture.

　　For example, the United States ishelping the UK regenerate its aircraft carrier capability,which will enablemore integrated operation of our advanced F-35 fighters and morebroadlyenhance our shared ability to project power. And last year, an Australian armyofficerbecame the deputy commanding general of U.S. Army forces in thePacific. This is helpingconnect our forces more strategically with our alliesand partners in the regions.

　　We believe this collaborationoffers a model – a model for closer integration with otherallies and partners,including NATO as a whole, and it’ll influence U.S. strategic planningandfuture investments. Sustaining and enhancing these cooperative efforts willrequire sharedcommitment and shared investment on both sides of the Atlantic.That includes United Statescommitments to a strong military posture in Europe.

　　Since the end of the Cold War,the United States has continuously adjusted its defenseposture to newstrategic realities around the world. As our force structure draws downfollowingthe end of our longest war, there will be, there must be, adjustmentsin our posture to meetnew challenges. For example, to respond to elevatedthreats to our diplomatic facilities inNorth Africa and the Middle East, wehave partnered with Spain to position U.S. Marines inMoron, and we have putother forces throughout the region on heightened alert status. Theseforces notonly enable us to respond to crises or support ongoing operations, but theyalsoexpand our diplomatic options amid the recent violence in South Sudan. Therapidavailability of nearby forces allowed American diplomats to remain on theground and helpbroker a ceasefire.

　　An important posture enhancementis European missile defense in response to ballisticmissile threats from Iran.Over the last two days, I’ve been in Poland, where I reaffirmed theUnitedStates commitment to deploying missile defense architecture there. As you allknow,that’s part of Phase 3 of our European Phased Adaptive Approach.Yesterday afternoon, the USSDonald Cook departed the United States for Rota,Spain, where over the next two years she willbe joined by three additionalmissile defense-capable destroyers.

　　Despite fiscal constraints, thebudget that we will release next month fully protects ourinvestment inEuropean missile defense. Our commitment to Europe is unwavering. Ourvaluesand our interests remain aligned. Both principle and pragmatism secureourtransatlantic bonds.

　　In 1947, a time of widespreaddoubt about the continued value of the transatlanticpartnership, Henry Stimsonargued that America could, in his words, no sooner stand apart fromEurope thandesert every principle by which we claim to live. He helped persuadeAmericansthat, in his words, our policy toward the world – in that policy, “There is noplace forgrudging or limited participation… Foreign affairs are now our mostintimate domesticconcern.” Americans know well the wisdom in Stimson’swarning. We also know well theresponsibilities we shoulder in partnership withall of you.

　　As President Obama told theAmerican people in his State of the Union Address this week,our alliance withEurope remains the strongest the world has ever known. I have everyconfidencethat our successors will be there 50 years hence to again celebrate themostsuccessful and effective collective security alliance in history. But as we allknow, it willrequire continued strong and visionary leadership, attention,resources, and strongcommitment.

　　In 2064, there will still be aWehrkunde, and there will still be a strong and enduringtransatlanticalliance. Thank you. (Applause.)

　　AMBASSADOR ISCHINGER: Thank youvery much, Mr. Secretary. We have not a lot of time,so we’ll call on a fewquestions. I have a huge number of cards, and I apologize – I have toapologizeto most of those who have written down their questions. We can literally taketwo orthree or maximum of four depending on the length of the answers.

　　Let me start with a question ofmy own, which I’d like to address – (laughter) – toSecretary Kerry. We had thevery interesting panel discussion yesterday between Tzipi Livni andSaebErekat, who were both sitting right here in the first row with Martin Indyk, onthe situationas where we are right now. How optimistic are you that you canactually nail this down?Question one.

　　And if I may add one to you, Mr.Secretary of Defense, a couple years ago, one of yourpredecessors, Bob Gates,gave a pretty strong valedictorian speech admonishing us, Europeanallies, todo more, because if we didn’t do more, we would be not as useful as your alliesas weshould be. Now, are you today as unhappy as Bob Gates was with us?

　　Maybe we start with the Secretaryof State.

　　SECRETARY KERRY: Well, Mr.Ambassador, I am willing to take risks, but I’m notwilling to hang myselfhere. (Laughter.) So I’m not going to tell you how optimistic I am. I’mgoingto tell you that I’m hopeful. I believe in the possibility or I wouldn’t pursuethis. PresidentObama believes in the possibility. I don’t think we’re beingquixotic and un – I’m a littlesurprised by some of the articles that tend towrite about an obsession or a fanatical effort totry to achieve this, etcetera. We’re just working hard. We’re working hard because theconsequences offailure are unacceptable.

　　I mean, I want you all to thinkabout it. Ask yourselves a simple question: What happens ifwe can’t find a wayforward? Is Fatah going to be stronger? Will Abu Mazen be strengthened?Willthis man who has been committed to a peaceful process for these last years beable tohold on if it fails? What is the argument for holding on? Are we goingto then see militancy? Willwe then see violence? Will we then seetransformation? What comes afterwards? Nobody cananswer that question with anykind of comfort.

　　By the same token, for ourfriends, I see good Minister Tzipi Livni here, who has beenabsolutelyspectacular in this process, committed to it. Prime Minister Netanyahu hastaken verytough decisions to move this down the road, very tough decisions, ashas President Abbas, whohad the right to go to the United Nations and hasforesworn it in an effort to try to keep at thetable and keep the processmoving.

　　For Israel, the stakes are alsoenormously high. Do they want a failure that then begswhatever may come in theform of a response from disappointed Palestinians and the Arabcommunity? Whathappens to the Arab Peace Initiative if this fails? Does it disappear?Whathappens for Israel’s capacity to be the Israel it is today – a democratic statewith theparticular special Jewish character that is a central part of thenarrative and of the future?What happens to that when you have a bi-nationalstructure and people demanding rights ondifferent terms?

　　So I think if you – and I’m onlyjust scratching the surface in talking about the possibilities,and I’velearned not to go too deep in them because it gets misinterpreted that I’msomehowsuggesting, “Do this or else,” or something. I’m not. We all have apowerful, powerful interest inresolving this conflict. Everywhere I go in theworld, wherever I go – I promise you, noexaggeration, the Far East, Africa,Latin America – one of the first questions out of the mouthsof a foreignminister or a prime minister or a president is, “Can’t you guys do something tohelpbring an end to this conflict between Palestinians and Israelis?”Indonesia – people care about itbecause it’s become either in some places anexcuse or in other places an organizing principlefor efforts that can be verytroubling in certain places. I believe that – and you see for Israelthere’s anincreasing de-legitimization campaign that has been building up. People areverysensitive to it. There are talk of boycotts and other kinds of things. Arewe all going to bebetter with all of that?

　　So I am not going to sit here andgive you a measure of optimism, but I will give you afull measure of commitment.President Obama and I and our Administration are ascommitted to this asanything we’re engaged in because we think it can be a game-changerfor theregion. And as Foreign Minister Abdullah bin Zayed said – he’s here somewhere –to aParis meeting of the Arab League the other day, spontaneously he said,“You know, if peace ismade, Israel will do more business with the Gulf statesand the Middle East than it does withEurope today.”

　　This is the difference of 6percent GDP per year to Israel, not to mention that today’s statusquoabsolutely, to a certainty, I promise you 100 percent, cannot be maintained.It’s notsustainable. It’s illusionary. There’s a momentary prosperity, there’sa momentary peace. Lastyear, not one Israeli was killed by a Palestinian fromthe West Bank. This year, unfortunately,there’s been an uptick in someviolence. But the fact is the status quo will change if there isfailure. Soeverybody has a stake in trying to find the pathway to success.

　　The final comment I would say, Mr.Ambassador, is after all of these years, after Wye, afterMadrid, after Oslo,after Taba, after Camp David, after everything that has gone on, Idoubtthere’s anyone sitting here who doesn’t actually know pretty much what a finalstatusagreement actually looks like. The question is: How do you get there?That’s political courage,political strength, and that’s what we have to try tosummon in the next days. And I’ll just tellyou I am hopeful and we will keepworking at it. And we have great partners of good faith towork with, and I’mappreciative for that.

　　AMBASSADOR ISCHINGER: Thank youvery much. Thank you. (Applause.)

　　SECRETARY HAGEL: Ambassador,thank you. Let me just add a couple of sentences towhat Secretary Kerry said.First, I enthusiastically support what Secretary Kerry is doing. Weall knowthere is risk in everything. There is risk in status quo. The risk is alwaysthere inanything in complicated areas of the world. But I believe there is farmore risk in letting thisslide.

　　I noted in my comments that – notin the context of this particular issue but overall onsecurity issues, it’sgoing to continue to take – as the world is very instructive on this pointandthe history has been particularly instructive – committed leadership and visionto addressany big challenge. And as much risk and uncertainty that is in thisone, I do strongly applaudand support what John’s doing here. It’s clearly ineveryone’s interest.

　　As to your question, SecretaryGates may have said it a little differently than I did, butessentially, I saidthe same thing as Secretary Gates did. This is a partnership. Partnershipsmeanpartnership. Everybody has to participate. Everyone has to contribute.Everybody has arole to play. Because not only is something new today withrestrained resources in everyone’sbudgets. I get that, the realities of whatwe’re each dealing with in our own respectivecountries, own respectivepolitical dynamics and dimensions – but if your nation’s security isnot worthan investment, is not worth leadership in fighting for that investment, thenyou’ve gotthe wrong leadership or – again, history’s been instructive on thispoint – then the future of thatcountry is in some peril. It’s going to takesome courage and vision and strong leadership tomake this point clear to allof our constituents. And the Europeans must play their role as well.Thank you.

　　AMBASSADOR ISCHINGER: Thank youvery much. Among the many questions that werehanded to me, there are two thatare almost identical, and I’m going to take these twotogether.

　　The first one is from Lord Powellfrom the UK, and they’re both on the T-TIP. Now, they’reboth addressed to bothof you as former senators, and I read the first question from CharlesPowell:“T-TIP is indeed vital, as Secretary Kerry says. Is it achievable now that theSenatemajority leader intends to deny the President fast-track trade promotionauthority?”

　　And the other question is from anAmerican, Charles Kupchan from Georgetown University.Professor Kupchan raisesthe following question: “T-TIP is ‘the next big thing’ for theAtlanticrelationship. As former senators, please discuss the prospects forcongressional support,especially in light of Senator Reid’s recent comments.”

　　This is exactly the samequestion. I don't know which one of you wants to take that one.

　　SECRETARY KERRY: Well, I don’t –look, I respect Harry Reid. I’ve worked with him for along time, obviously.Our colleagues are here – Lindsey Graham and John McCain and formerSenator JoeLieberman. And I think all of us have learned to interpret a comment on one dayinthe United States Senate as not necessarily what might be the situation in amatter of monthsor in some period of time.

　　Let’s get T-TIP done, put it inits context, then we wage the fight. And I’m not at allconvinced that whatwe’ve heard is going to – I just think that there’s a lot of room here still,soI wouldn’t let it deter us one iota, not one iota. I’ve heard plenty ofstatements in the Senateon one day that are categorical, and we’ve wound upfinding accommodation and a way tofind our way forward. So this should not bea deterrent, and I hope nobody will let it stand inthe way.

　　On the merits, this is a majorinitiative for us, for Europe, for the relationship, for the world.And whenyou combine it with the TPP, it really has a capacity to achieve what the WTOhasnot been able to succeed in, and it could have a profound impact onjumpstarting theeconomies for all of us. It’s worth millions of jobs, and inthe end, jobs are a very powerfulpolitical persuasion.

　　SECRETARY HAGEL: This TPP isclearly in the self-interest of both sides of the Atlantic,clearly. And Iwould suspect that our senators here this morning would have a better senseofthis than two former senators, but this is a good example of what I wasreferring to in myremarks about let’s be smart and let’s be wise and let’s becollaborative and use all of theopportunities and mechanisms that we have toenhance each other – culturally, trade,commerce, exchanges.

　　We all know that a secureeconomic base – a dynamic, strong economy – is the anchor ofany nation’sfreedom. Without the money, without the resources, your options becomeverylimited very quickly. So I would hope that this would get done by the UnitedStates Senate.It’s clearly in everyone’s interest. Thank you.

　　AMBASSADORISCHINGER: Thankyou very much. I have one concluding question becausewe have already run outof time for a while. This is from Jo Joffe, whom both of you know. Hisquestionis the following, and I read it: “The U.S. keeps going through cycles ofwithdrawal. Isthis another one? And if so, who is going to mind the store?”

　　A question addressed, again, toboth of you.

　　SECRETARYKERRY:Well, I think – look, I think everything I said in my comments make itclear –and I said it at Davos – we’re not withdrawing from anything, folks, exceptwe’re drawingdown our troops in Afghanistan because that’s an agreed-uponapproach with ISAF, some 50nations, and because it is time for the fulltransition to the Afghan Armed Forces and the Afghanpeople. So that’s aplanned process, but it is also contemplating maintaining a presence forthepurpose of continuing to train, equip, and advise the Afghan Armed Forces andto maintain aplatform to do counterterrorism. So we’re hardly withdrawing;we’re transitioning.

　　Even as we do that, right now wehave just finished helping to conclude a ceasefire in theSudan. I spent mostof the Christmas break on the phone with President Kiir, former VicePresidentRiek Machar, with the foreign minister and prime minister of Ethiopia, thepresident ofUganda. That’s not disengagement. In the Great Lakes, we have aspecial envoy who has justsucceeded in working with Mary Robinson of the UNand with President Kabila and Paul Kagame.And we have succeeded in disarmingthe M23, creating a structure by which we will now be ableto begin doingdevelopment and helping those nations to stabilize.

　　We’re working in the CentralAfrican Republic and we’re working to help the French in Mali.We are deeplyengaged in Iran negotiations for some two years. We have been working – Ibeganthat work as a United States senator to begin to open up that opportunity of adialogue.We have an interim first-step agreement – not an interim agreement –a first step to lead tofinal conclusion. We are working with Geneva II, withRussia. That came from diplomacy andcooperation. And we are trying to pressfor transition. I think we need to do more. JohnMcCain, Senator Graham and Iare talking. There are powerful feelings for why we believe Assadneeds to feeleven more sense of urgency to come to the table. We’re deeply involved there.

　　We’re deeply involved in theMiddle East peace process. We’re involved with the Emirates,with the Saudi Arabians,and others working with respect to Egypt and Egypt’s transition.We’rerebalancing with Asia. We’re working on North Korea. I will be in China in twoweeksworking on the North Korean issue, working with Korea, Japan,reunification – you name theissue – South China Sea.

　　I can’t think of a place in theworld that we are retreating, not one. And I believe we areengaged in aprofoundly proactive and visionary way to try to give life to this partnershipinways that make a difference. We’re working in Libya. We’re working togetherwith our friendsfrom Italy, Great Britain, and France to stabilize and workwith President – with Prime MinisterZaydan to build a legitimate securityforce. We’re deeply engaged in that training andotherwise.

　　So as I think – I mean, thereisn’t a part of the world that I can think of. We’re working onCyprus quietly.You’re not hearing about it. We’re working on Nagorno-Karabakh, theCaucasus.We have an extraordinary amount of diplomatic reach at this particularmoment,including in Latin America. And most recently, I just concluded a summit withtheforeign minister of Mexico and the foreign minister of Canada leading up toa summit betweenthe president and the prime minister which will further cementthe North American hemisphericinterests and our work on the TPP and the T-TIP.

　　So I think this narrative, whichhas, frankly, been pushed by some people who have aninterest in trying tosuggest that the United States is somehow on a different track, I wouldtellyou it is flat wrong and it is belied by every single fact of what we are doingeverywhere inthe world.

　　SECRETARY HAGEL: I would justadd, Ambassador – (applause) – that we have justheard the Secretary of Stateof the United States inventory some of the things we’re doing,some of theplaces we’ve been. I have never seen a full inventory of exactly what we’redoingeverywhere, but I would venture to say the United States is more presentdoing more things inmore places today than maybe ever before. How we’re doingit is differently, and it’s what Italked about, what John talked about –capacity-building for our partners, working closer withour partners, beingable to do more as we are more creative with these initiatives.

　　So we’re not going anywhere, andI would just add this as I end my comment. I’ve beenSecretary of Defensealmost a year. I have had three major trips to the Asia Pacific. I havehadcountless trips to Europe. I’ve had a number of trips to the Middle East,Afghanistan. He’sthe traveler. I’m not. But when you have a Secretary ofDefense dealing with the things thatwe’re dealing with in the Pentagon, withbudget restraints and force posture reductions and soon, and still we in DODare doing the kinds of things we’re doing with our combatantcommanders toassist our diplomatic effort, which I talked about, we’re doing a lot of thingsallover the world. And if that narrative is not getting out there, then maybethat’s our fault, but Ihope no one will leave here with any kind ofmisunderstanding that somehow we’re withdrawingfrom the world or we’re doinglimited work. It’s just the opposite.

　　SECRETARYKERRY: Mr.Ambassador, can I just add to that important areas? We justconcluded asecurity – a High-Level Strategic Dialogue with Pakistan. And I’ve justconcluded, asyou know, some two months ago a negotiation with President Karzaifor a bilateral securityagreement, which we are waiting for a signature for.But we continue our anti-terror initiativesnot just there, but in Yemen, inmany other parts of the world, and particularly now, we arefocusing in onSyria where there are increasing numbers of extremists. And so I think you’llbehearing and seeing more of this over the course of the next weeks andmonths. But I thinkChuck may be right; I think we need to be more assertiveabout what we are doing.

　　AMBASSADORISCHINGER:Thank you very much. Thank you also, both of you, fordeciding to show up herejointly together. I can’t think of a better demonstration of thecommitment ofthe Obama Administration to keep the transatlantic link, keep thetransatlanticrelationship strong and alive. So thank you for that strong message heretoday.Let’s give these two gentlemen a hand. Thank you very much. (Applause.)

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